Rangoon, Burma – March 25th, 1949
The flight from Kathmandu to Rangoon took longer than expected. Bad weather over the Bay of Bengal forced Krishna Menon's Constellation to circle for nearly an hour before landing at Rangoon's main airfield.
By the time they touched down, the afternoon heat was already building, and the air was thick with jasmine, woodsmoke, and something else that Menon couldn't quite place but recognized as the scent of a country in trouble.
Burma had been independent for barely a year, and it showed. The airport itself looked hastily repaired, with patches of new concrete covering what were probably bomb craters from the war.
Armed guards were everywhere, and they looked nervous in the way that suggested real threats rather than ceremonial duties.
Menon was met by a small delegation led by Deputy Prime Minister Kyaw Nyein, who also held the Foreign Affairs portfolio. A stocky man with tired eyes, he apologized profusely for the delay in arrangements.
"Minister Menon, please accept our deepest regrets for the confusion. Prime Minister U Nu was called to an emergency cabinet session this morning. Reports from Shan State, you understand. Always something urgent requiring his attention these days."
The drive through Rangoon revealed a city trying to hold itself together. British colonial buildings stood next to traditional Burmese architecture, but many showed recent damage. Bullet holes in walls, boarded up windows, military checkpoints every few blocks. This wasn't the peaceful Buddhist nation that tourist brochures might have described.
At the government building, security was tight. Menon counted at least three different checkpoints before reaching the main reception area, where U Nu finally met him. The Prime Minister looked exhausted, like a man who hadn't slept properly in months.
"Minister Menon," U Nu began, his voice soft but carrying weight of genuine concern, "forgive the chaos of our arrangements. Welcome to the Republic of Burma. We've been following India's remarkable achievements with great interest and, I must admit, some envy.
Your nation's unity, its decisive leadership under Prime Minister Mehra, stands in stark contrast to our own struggles."
The formal greetings took place in a reception hall that had seen better days. Portraits of Burmese independence leaders hung next to newer paintings of Buddhist scenes, but even these couldn't hide the fact that this was a government operating under siege conditions.
Menon offered the standard diplomatic pleasantries, but he could see that U Nu needed something more substantial. "Prime Minister, India understands the challenges of nation building because we've faced our own.
Prime Minister Arjun Mehra has asked me to convey not just his greetings, but his genuine commitment to Burma's sovereignty and stability. India sees Burma not merely as a neighbor, but as a crucial partner in maintaining peace throughout Southeast Asia."
The business meeting began with trade discussions, the usual diplomatic groundwork. India would offer technical assistance, help with infrastructure development, share expertise in agricultural modernization. Standard stuff that any developing nation might propose to another.
But then Menon shifted the conversation in a direction that U Nu had clearly been hoping for. "Prime Minister, the challenges facing Burma go beyond normal development issues. The ethnic insurgencies, the communist elements operating in your northern provinces, these aren't problems that can be solved with infrastructure projects alone."
U Nu leaned forward slightly, his serene Buddhist composure not quite hiding his intense interest. "Minister Menon, these insurgencies have been devastating our efforts to build a stable state. We lack the resources, the expertise, to deal with such well-organized armed groups."
"India has recent experience with similar challenges," Menon said carefully. "Our own integration of various princely states wasn't always peaceful. Prime Minister Mehra believes that regional stability requires neighbors to support each other against common threats.
We're prepared to offer discrete counsel in counter-insurgency strategies, and to share intelligence that might help your government restore control over disputed areas."
The offer hung in the air between them. Both men understood they were discussing something that went well beyond normal diplomatic cooperation. This was one sovereign nation offering to help another deal with internal armed resistance.
U Nu was quiet for a long moment, clearly weighing the implications. Burma's military was stretched thin, its government barely controlling territory outside major cities. Indian assistance could be the difference between survival and collapse.
"Such cooperation would need to be handled with great discretion," U Nu finally said. "Burma values its independence and neutrality. But we also recognize that some threats require... practical responses."
"Of course," Menon replied smoothly. "Any assistance would be purely technical, government to government, with full respect for Burma's sovereignty. India has no territorial ambitions regarding Burma. We simply want a stable, friendly neighbor."
They spent another hour working out preliminary details. Nothing would be put in writing just yet, but both sides understood they had reached an informal agreement.
India would provide intelligence sharing, training for Burmese counter-insurgency forces, and possibly some discrete material support. In exchange, Burma would maintain friendly relations with India and provide access for Indian intelligence operatives working in the region.
As the meeting concluded, Menon felt satisfied with the groundwork he'd laid. The visible diplomatic track had established legitimate cooperation frameworks.
Meanwhile, RAW agents who would soon begin their discrete operations in Burma would now have official cover for expanded activities among both government officials and various ethnic groups.
Colombo, Ceylon – March 28th, 1949
The flight to Ceylon provided a welcome change of scenery. As Menon's aircraft approached Colombo, the island looked like an emerald set in blue silk. No obvious signs of conflict, no military checkpoints visible from the air. This would be a different kind of diplomatic challenge.
Prime Minister Don Stephen Senanayake met Menon at the airport personally, a gesture that indicated both courtesy and awareness of shifting regional dynamics.
Senanayake was an experienced politician who had successfully navigated Ceylon's path to independence, and he held both the Prime Minister's office and the Ministry of External Affairs and Defence portfolios.
"Minister Menon, welcome to Ceylon," Senanayake said as they shook hands. "We've been following India's remarkable transformation with great attention."
The drive to Parliament House took them through Colombo's main districts, which looked prosperous and peaceful compared to Rangoon.
Colonial architecture mixed with local styles, but here the buildings were well-maintained, the streets were clean, and there were no obvious signs of internal conflict.
The formal reception took place in Parliament House's main conference room. Unlike in Burma, where the government seemed to be operating in crisis mode, here everything proceeded with careful ceremony. Ceylon might be a small island nation, but it took its dignity seriously.
"Prime Minister Senanayake," Menon began after the initial formalities, "India views Ceylon as a sister nation with whom we share not just geography but deep cultural and historical ties. Prime Minister Mehra has asked me to express his commitment to Ceylon's continued sovereignty and prosperity."
Senanayake listened politely but with visible reservations. "Minister Menon, Ceylon values its independence and seeks to maintain friendly relations with all neighbors. However, we're also aware that India's recent territorial acquisitions and military buildup represent a significant change in regional power dynamics.
Small nations like us must be careful about aligning too closely with any single major power."
This was going to be a more delicate negotiation than Burma had been. Senanayake wasn't desperate for assistance; he was concerned about maintaining independence in the face of a increasingly powerful neighbor.
Menon shifted to economic cooperation, offering expanded trade relationships, technical assistance with port development, and help with agricultural modernization. All standard diplomatic offerings, but presented as mutual partnerships rather than assistance to a struggling government.
"India's rapid industrialization creates opportunities for both our nations," Menon explained. "We envision strong trade partnerships that benefit both sides. Ceylon's strategic location in the Indian Ocean makes it a natural partner for expanded commerce."
Then he moved to the more sensitive issue. "Prime Minister, the security of Indian Ocean shipping lanes affects all nations in the region. India is committed to ensuring these vital sea routes remain open and secure. We believe cooperation in maritime security between our nations would benefit everyone."
Senanayake considered this carefully. The offer of naval cooperation was both attractive and concerning. Ceylon was indeed a small island that depended on secure shipping routes, but too close an alliance with India might compromise its independence.
"Minister Menon, Ceylon recognizes the importance of maritime security. We're undoubtedly interested in exploring how our nations might cooperate to ensure stable shipping and regional peace. However, any such cooperation would need to respect Ceylon's sovereignty and neutral status."
They spent the rest of the afternoon working through details. Joint naval patrols, intelligence sharing about maritime threats, expanded trade agreements, and also cultural exchange programs, especially for the Tamil heritage Ceylon citizens.
Nothing that would formally compromise Ceylon's independence, but arrangements that would gradually increase India's influence in the island's affairs.
The joint statement released that evening spoke of renewed friendship and expanded cooperation between sister nations. Standard diplomatic language that concealed the real significance of what had been discussed.
As Menon prepared to leave Colombo the next morning, he reflected on what had been accomplished. Burma had been desperate enough to accept significant Indian assistance in exchange for discrete intelligence cooperation.
Ceylon had been more cautious, but even there he'd established frameworks that RAW agents could use to gradually expand Indian influence.
Both nations would receive genuine benefits from these arrangements. Enhanced trade, technical assistance, security cooperation. But they would also be increasingly dependent on Indian goodwill and will gradually align more with Indian strategic interests.
This especially help true to Ceylon, who, according to the Prime Minister, would eventually become part of the Union in future.
The visible diplomatic track had been successful in both countries. Now it would be up to RAW to make use of the openings that had been created, working quietly behind the scenes to cultivate pro-Indian elements and gradually align both nations with the broader vision of Akhand Bharat.