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Chapter 21 - Historical Happenings

[Michoacán, Mexico – 9:17AM, 23rd of March, 1927] 

Tomas hadn't meant to leave. The plantation had been their world. Their father had died tapping the trees when they were ten, and since then the land had taken everything: his life, his youth, and his hands full of scars and blisters.

But something had changed everything. They said the trees weren't worth as much anymore. The merchants whispered that the plantations might close, that it was no longer safe to lend anymore. Some had already decided to stop lending all together. Others had cut wages, fired the old men, and sent him to the dust with nothing but the memory of hunger.

He remembered the day that still felt like a wound in his chest that was still festering. The overseer had shouted at him for showing up late; he had no reason to care anymore. The other workers were scared and silent, their eyes heavy. They didn't talk about leaving. But he knew. He had seen the posters in the town square.

"Viva Cristo Rey!" they cried as the priests proclaimed how the government had no right to take our God or our lives. He had thought of them as holy words once, to be pondered upon but not acted upon by mere men like him. Now, they were his instructions.

The Cristeros found him at the edge of the forest. They met at dusk, shadows crawling through the trees like ghosts. They asked if he wanted to fight. He didn't answer. 

He remembered the hunger, the hopelessness, and the rubber drying uselessly in the sun. He nodded, and that had been enough.

The first battle was a blur of smoke and shouting. He didn't know how to aim nor how to hold a rifle without trembling. But the men beside him…peasants like just like him…laughed when they fired. "For God, for our families," they proclaimed, and he joined them.

He thought about his old life sometimes, when the moon is thin and the fire dies low. He thinks about the taps on the trees, the smell of latex, and the slow drip that kept him alive but bound him all the same. And looking around at this sense of purpose he now has with his new family, he knows he will never go back. Not after seeing what it is to have a choice.

The Cristeros are few, but their numbers grow. Every burnt plantation, every lost job, sends men like him to them. And the forest watches as they learn to fight…not just for God, but for life itself.

The forest smelt of wet earth and rubber sap. He could hear the distant drip from the last of the trees, a rhythm that used to be my life. Now it was a heartbeat he wanted to leave behind.

They all moved in shadows, a dozen men pressed against the undergrowth, rifles clutched like sacred relics. He told himself it was for God. He told himself it was for the wages stolen, the plantations abandoned, the lives squeezed dry by men who didn't care. Both truths were real, and both drove them all forward.

Ahead, the plantation sat in a hollow, smoke from the workers' hearths curling into the morning mist. Only a handful of federal soldiers guarded it, young boys in ill-fitting uniforms. They had rifles, but they did not have hunger in their bellies, nor the certainty that God was on our side.

His Father, if he were alive, would have told him to pray, to think, to wait. But he had no father now. Only fists and faith and a fire he could not contain.

The attack began suddenly. Breathing out as his sweat formed a thin layer between his hand and the gun, which fired at the first man he saw, who fell with a scream that tore his chest open. Around him, men shouted prayers and curses, rifles booming, machetes flashing. They moved like a ghost, half-furious, half-praying, feeling the justice of the forest itself in their hands.

It lasted only moments. One soldier had hidden behind the storage shed. He fired, and Tomas's shoulder burnt as if the trees themselves had turned against him. He stumbled, dropping the rifle, cursing God and Man alike.

Another shot hit his chest as the world tilted. He fell among the leaves and mud, the sap smelling sweet and bitter, the plantation and forest spinning around him. He tried to pray, but the words were caught between fear and defiance. His eyes saw his brothers… his Cristeros fighting on, undeterred, but he knew he would not rise again.

He thought of the trees, the dripping rubber, and the men who had fed and used him. He thought of God. He thought of revenge. He thought of many things in those moments, and then he thought of nothing.

[Shangai, China – 5:17AM, 12th of April, 1927] 

The gunshots came first.

Faint at first, like someone banging a drum in the distance. Then closer. Louder. They rattled through the streets of Shanghai's International Settlement, across the narrow lanes of the Chinese city, cutting through the humid night like razors. 

In a small teahouse, a waiter froze, teacup trembling in his hand as his eyes strained toward the alley outside. From the shadows, the sounds multiplied: shouts, the cracking of wood, and the ringing of steel on steel.

There were too many of them.

Soldiers. Officers in black jackets and peaked caps. Gangs armed with rifles and pistols and sticks. Men who had been walking quietly through the city hours before were now driven by orders whispered in both fear and hatred.

One faction called out. Another answered.

The night turned on itself.

On the streets near the docks, crowds surged into alleyways where Communist organisers had long held meetings. Union offices were set aflame. Barricades were torn down. The first bodies fell: a man shot as he tried to raise a banner, another dragged screaming into a waiting car.

A mob.

It did not take long for the terror to spread. Word often moved faster than reason did, after all. 

Soldiers reported to stations that were already empty, as organisers fled before the night swallowed them. Rumours ran ahead of the killers, turning whispers into hysteria: who had been seen, who had been talking, which family supported which faction.

In one courtyard, a family huddled together, the children silent, faces pressed into their mother's skirts. The father tried to barricade the door with chairs, with tables, with whatever he could. Outside, boots struck cobbles, rifles flashed, and orders barked in a language as cold as steel.

The violence had its own rhythm.

It was methodical, terrifyingly so. By midnight, there were no longer just random targets. Streets were cleared. Offices that had hosted meetings for weeks were smashed. The assassins knew their streets, the neighbourhoods, and the alleys where the sympathisers could hide. 

Every shouted order and gunshot tightened a net around Shanghai's workers and activists.

When the police came, there were too few. Too late. Soldiers blocked bridges and patrolled alleys, and the city's ordinary citizens were left to watch, helpless, from behind shuttered windows. 

Some tried to flee. Some were caught. 

By dawn, hundreds were dead or missing, and the streets ran with bloody ash.

And yet, for those who survived, it was the silence afterward that was most frightening.

No one knew who would come next. No one knew what doors to close or which roofs were safe. The sound of a footstep on a step or the glint of a pistol in the sunlight. Either could still be enough to end a life.

By the time the sun had fully crested the horizon, Shanghai itself had changed.

The smoke from burnt offices hung low over the city. Streets that had been alive with chatter, with music, and with work were empty. Rumours of who had survived and who had not began to weave their way into the neighbourhoods, sharper and more dangerous with every retelling. And the city, even in the light, seemed smaller, darker, and unbearably silent.

[Excerpt from: The Chinese Civil War by Liang Wenhao (1997) - Beijing University Press.]

The First United Front was formed in the early 1920s between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. It had been a pragmatic alliance between the two most influential factions in the nation aimed at addressing the immediate political fragmentation of China. 

Following the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1911, the country had been divided among regional warlords whose armies and local administrations exercised de facto control over their territories. 

Both the KMT and the CCP recognised that no single party could achieve national unification alone. The KMT, under Sun Yat-sen, sought to consolidate a centralised nationalist government, while the CCP, newly founded in 1921, sought to promote Marxist socialism and expand influence among urban workers and rural peasants.

Ideologically, the two parties were fundamentally different: the KMT prioritised nationalism and modernisation, whereas the CCP emphasised class struggle and the empowerment of the proletariat.

Nevertheless, the alliance was tenable because both parties shared a strategic interest in mobilising China's fragmented population and military resources against both the warlords and the foreign humiliators.

The KMT benefited from the organisational skills and grassroots networks of the Communists, particularly in labour unions and peasant associations, while the CCP gained the protection and legitimacy that association with the KMT provided, as well as access to military training and resources.

The alliance's initial successes, however, masked deep structural tensions that would later lead to its collapse. By the mid-1920s, the CCP had begun to consolidate influence in urban centres, most notably in Shanghai, China's largest industrial and financial hub. 

The Communists organised labour strikes, founded unions, and cultivated workers' committees, effectively creating parallel power structures within key economic sectors. 

While these efforts strengthened the United Front in terms of mass mobilisation against warlords, they simultaneously alarmed conservative elements within the KMT, particularly those representing business interests and the party's right wing. 

Many within the KMT feared that the Communists' influence over unions and dockworkers could evolve into a revolutionary threat that would undermine the party's authority and disrupt the existing social and economic order. 

Tensions were further exacerbated by ideological disagreements: while the KMT leadership aimed for gradual modernisation and nationalist consolidation, the Communists increasingly prioritised class struggle, land reform, and the radical empowerment of workers, creating an inherent friction that could not be reconciled in the long term.

Chiang Kai-shek, who emerged as the de facto leader of the KMT following Sun Yat-sen's death in 1925, viewed the growing Communist presence as a direct threat to his political ambitions and to the party's control over China's key urban centres. 

In 1927, Chiang orchestrated a premeditated purge of Communist elements, choosing Shanghai as the starting point for the violence. Shanghai was strategically significant for several reasons: it was densely populated, economically vital, and a centre of Communist organisation. 

The city's factories, ports, and unions provided the CCP with both influence and resources that could challenge KMT authority if left unchecked. Moreover, the visible nature of Communist activity in Shanghai through strikes, labour meetings, and union leadership made it possible for Chiang to target the party's urban infrastructure effectively. 

By launching the purge in Shanghai, Chiang aimed to decisively disrupt Communist networks, demonstrate the KMT's dominance, and send a warning to other regions where the CCP had established influence.

Some modern sources imply Chiang's primary motivation may, in fact, have been to restore credibility among other interest groups who had been feeling increasingly sidelined after several actions he had taken in favour of the industrialist factions that ignored the concerns of other factions like the nationalist and conservative ones, though most are certain a purge of the communists was likely to take place either way.

The resulting Shanghai Massacre, or "April 12 Incident", as it would later be dubbed by the foreign press, marked the violent collapse of the First United Front. Thousands of Communists, union leaders, and leftist sympathisers were killed, arrested, or forced into hiding, effectively ending the alliance and initiating a broader campaign to purge Communists nationwide.

Chiang's actions consolidated his control over the KMT and set the stage for the Chinese Civil War, while the CCP was forced to retreat into rural bases, redefining its strategy around peasant mobilisation. 

When looked at this way, the collapse of the First United Front and the outbreak of violence in Shanghai were not spontaneous but the culmination of ideological tension, political calculation, and the strategic targeting of a city where Communist influence was most visible and concentrated.

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