Kyiv in June 1917 continued changing almost every week.
After the February Revolution, the city was gradually becoming the main political center of the Ukrainian movement. More and more soldiers, students, representatives of various organizations, and delegates arriving from across the former Empire filled the streets.
Near newspaper offices and public buildings, people constantly gathered to discuss: the Provisional Government, the war, the Central Rada, autonomy, and the future of Ukraine.
Politics could now be felt everywhere.
Even ordinary pedestrians increasingly argued openly about subjects that only a year earlier many people preferred to discuss in whispers.
From early morning, crowds gathered near the building of the Central Rada in the center of the city.
Despite the warm summer weather, the atmosphere remained tense. Military patrols moved through the streets while groups of soldiers and students stood near intersections. New delegates, journalists, and representatives of Ukrainian organizations constantly entered the building.
Today, the Central Rada was preparing to officially proclaim the First Universal.
News about the coming decision had already spread rapidly throughout Kyiv during the previous days.
Some greeted it with enthusiasm.
Others with anxiety.
Especially after negotiations with the Provisional Government in Petrograd had begun reaching a deadlock.
Near the entrance, several young soldiers discussed the situation animatedly.
—"They say Ukraine will now govern its own affairs."
—"For now, only autonomy."
—"That is already a lot."
Nearby stood an older official wearing an old frock coat, listening to the conversation with visible concern.
—"The important thing is that all this does not end in new chaos."
A young student almost immediately answered him:
—"After February, the old order is not coming back anyway."
Conversations like these could now be heard throughout the city.
Inside the building of the Central Rada, the atmosphere felt even more tense.
Large halls and corridors were filled with: representatives of Ukrainian parties, officers, students, cooperative activists, journalists, delegates from military units, and members of the intelligentsia.
Many looked exhausted after weeks of endless meetings, negotiations, and political arguments.
At the same time, however, it was clear: almost everyone understood the importance of the moment.
In one of the halls, Vynnychenko quickly discussed the final wording of the document with several members of the Rada.
Nearby, Hrushevsky calmly spoke with a group of delegates, attempting to keep the general mood more cautious and controlled.
Even inside the Central Rada itself, opinions still differed.
Some demanded: a harder political position, faster autonomy, and broader Ukrainian authority.
Others feared that overly radical steps could provoke open conflict with Petrograd.
But after months of revolutionary chaos, military crisis, and the growing weakness of the Provisional Government, more and more people were beginning to believe: if Ukraine did not begin organizing itself now, the opportunity might disappear later forever.
By midday, even more people had gathered outside the building of the Central Rada.
The crowd filled part of the street and sidewalks near the entrance. Among those gathered were: soldiers, students, officials, teachers, workers, officers, and representatives of Ukrainian organizations.
Blue-and-yellow flags rose above the crowd while animated discussions and arguments continued near the steps of the building.
Many understood: today's decision could become one of the most important events since the February Revolution.
When the official session finally began inside the building, a tense silence quickly settled across the halls.
After several speeches, Mykhailo Hrushevsky stepped forward.
Despite the exhaustion of recent months, he carried himself calmly and confidently. For many present, Hrushevsky had long become the main symbol of the Ukrainian movement — not a revolutionary, but a man attempting to give it political and historical form.
As he began speaking, the noise inside the hall gradually faded.
—"The Ukrainian people have waited too long for the right to govern their own lives," Hrushevsky said calmly.
The hall fell almost completely silent.
—"We do not stand against the new free Russia. We do not seek to destroy the common state during a difficult war."
He paused briefly.
—"But Ukraine has the right to decide its own internal affairs on its own land."
Loud applause immediately followed.
After that, the text of the First Universal began to be read aloud.
In many parts of the hall, people listened while standing.
Some delegates carefully wrote down individual phrases while others exchanged glances, as if trying to fully understand the meaning of what was happening.
The central message of the document sounded clear enough:
Ukraine demanded autonomy.
The Central Rada declared that Ukrainian affairs should first and foremost be decided by Ukrainians themselves.
For now, the discussion was not about complete independence or a break with Russia.
On the contrary, most leaders of the Rada still emphasized: they viewed the future of Ukraine within a new democratic federal system.
But at the same time, the Universal effectively meant: Kyiv no longer intended to simply wait for decisions from Petrograd.
The Ukrainian movement was beginning to create its own organs of political authority.
When the reading of the document ended, prolonged applause once again filled the hall.
Especially enthusiastic support came from: young officers, students, representatives of Ukrainian organizations, and many front-line soldiers.
For them, the moment felt like the beginning of an entirely new era.
But there were also those who remained cautious.
One older official quietly said to his neighbor:
—"Petrograd will not accept this so easily."
The other man slowly nodded.
—"After February, many things are no longer happening the way they used to."
Inside the corridors of the Central Rada, conversations quickly became more heated.
—"So Ukraine is independent now?"
—"No. For now this is about autonomy."
—"But Kyiv is now demanding the right to govern Ukrainian affairs itself."
—"And will Petrograd agree?"
Many could no longer answer that question confidently.
Because after months of revolution, military crisis, and growing chaos, more and more people were beginning to understand: the old mechanism of governing the Empire was gradually ceasing to function.
And the First Universal was becoming the first open declaration that Ukraine was beginning to build its own political center of power.
In Petrograd, however, the news from Kyiv was received in a very different atmosphere.
While part of the press and some liberal circles still attempted to present the First Universal as a temporary political gesture, inside the Provisional Government itself the reaction was becoming increasingly anxious.
Especially after detailed reports began arriving about the mood inside Ukrainian military units.
Inside one of the halls of the Tauride Palace, several ministers and representatives of the military command had gathered.
Spread across the table before them were: telegrams from Kyiv, copies of the Universal, reports from military districts, and messages describing the rapid growth of Ukrainian organizations inside the army.
The atmosphere inside the room remained heavy.
Kerensky quickly reviewed another report while irritably tapping his fingers against the table.
—"They call this autonomy," one official said. —"But in practice, the Central Rada is already beginning to create its own center of power."
Several men exchanged silent glances.
Since February, crises like these had become increasingly common: Finland, the Caucasus, national movements inside the army, the Soviets, and soldiers' committees.
Now the Ukrainian question was rapidly joining that list as well.
Milyukov tiredly removed his glasses.
—"The main problem is not even the Rada itself."
He slowly looked down at the documents lying before him.
—"The main problem is the army."
A military representative beside him nodded darkly.
—"The Ukrainization of military units is already spreading across the front without proper control."
—"If this continues," another officer added, —"within a few months every national group will begin demanding its own army."
Silence briefly settled across the room.
Most of those present still hoped that the crisis could be contained through political compromise.
But at the same time, many were already beginning to feel: after February, the country was fragmenting too quickly into separate centers of power.
Kerensky sharply closed the folder of reports.
—"We need a compromise with the Rada."
One of the generals immediately frowned.
—"Any concessions will only demonstrate the weakness of the government."
—"And refusing negotiations may make the situation even worse," Kerensky answered.
The arguments quickly became more heated.
Some ministers continued believing that the Ukrainian movement was only a temporary political surge that would eventually weaken on its own.
Others were already beginning to understand: after the First Universal, the Central Rada was transforming from a public organization into a real political force.
And the most dangerous part for Petrograd was that this force was rapidly gaining support inside the army.
That same evening, inside one of the houses in Kyiv, conversations continued far past midnight.
Unlike the loud gatherings of the Central Rada, almost nobody here raised their voice. People spoke calmly and cautiously, trying to analyze events not through revolutionary slogans, but through their consequences for the country, the army, and the economy.
Too much had changed too quickly during the past months.
One representative of the industrial circles quietly said:
—"If the Provisional Government continues losing control over the army, within a few months the railways themselves will stop functioning properly."
An older zemstvo official answered him:
—"And together with the railways, the supply system of the cities will begin collapsing as well."
Nearby, several officers discussed the situation at the front.
—"The committees are already interfering in almost everything."
—"Some officers are simply beginning to lose understanding of how discipline can still be maintained."
—"And the soldiers increasingly listen to agitators instead of their commanders."
Conversations like these could now be heard almost everywhere: among officers, industrialists, zemstvo circles, universities, and even among part of the nobility.
Too many people already felt: the revolution was only beginning.
Oleksandra Skoropadska slowly walked through the hall, occasionally stopping near different groups of guests.
—"What do you think about today's events?" she asked one university professor.
The man paused briefly before answering.
—"The First Universal was inevitable."
—"And what comes next?"
The professor gave a tired smile.
—"Now everything depends on whether someone will be capable of preventing the country from descending into complete chaos."
Words like these had been repeated more and more often during recent months.
Too many people already understood: the main problem was no longer the revolution itself, but the question of who would be capable of holding power together after the destruction of the old system.
In a neighboring room, the discussion about the Central Rada continued.
Part of those present viewed it cautiously.
—"Too many socialists."
—"Too few people with actual experience in governing a state."
—"They know how to speak well, but can they truly govern the country?"
But there were other opinions as well.
—"After decades of restrictions, the Ukrainian movement could never remain the same."
—"What matters now is that Ukraine is finally beginning to create its own political structures."
Oleksandra listened carefully to these conversations.
During the past years, she had learned too well how to notice the gradual changes in the mood of the elites.
Not long ago, many of these same people spoke only about: cultural autonomy, language, universities, and rights within the Empire.
Now, however, discussions increasingly revolved around: power, the army, borders, industry, and the future of a state.
And most importantly, more and more people were beginning to search for a figure capable of uniting: officers, industrialists, part of the nobility, and the moderate Ukrainian circles.
For now, nobody discussed such things openly.
But Oleksandra already understood: after the First Universal and the growing crisis of the Provisional Government, the Ukrainian question was gradually entering an entirely new stage.
The following day, news of the First Universal continued spreading rapidly not only through Kyiv, but far beyond the city as well.
Newspapers reprinted the main points of the document while railway stations and military garrisons discussed the decisions of the Central Rada. Inside Ukrainian military units, officers and soldiers increasingly argued over what Ukrainian autonomy now actually meant.
These conversations spread especially quickly among soldiers and officers who had already passed through the First Ukrainian Military Congress.
In many units, the Universal was seen as a sign that the Ukrainian movement was becoming something far more serious than merely cultural societies and political circles.
At one railway station, several officers stood beside a штаб wagon discussing the latest news from Kyiv.
—"Petrograd will clearly be dissatisfied."
—"After February, they already barely control anything properly."
—"But if the Rada begins demanding its own administration and military units, the conflict will only deepen."
One of the officers slowly folded his newspaper.
—"After the Universal, nobody is going back anymore."
Words like these were increasingly heard across different parts of the former Empire.
Too much had changed during the past months.
The old system still formally existed: ministries still functioned, the army still operated, orders still arrived, and the railways still worked.
But at the same time, entirely new centers of power were rapidly growing across the country: the Soviets, committees, national movements, local organizations, and political alliances.
And fewer and fewer people understood which of them would ultimately become strongest.
Meanwhile in Kyiv, after the First Universal, the Central Rada was already working almost without pause.
The corridors of its buildings were filled with: delegates, officers, zemstvo representatives, journalists, students, and officials.
Discussions constantly revolved around: autonomy, administration, the army, relations with Petrograd, and the future authority of the Central Rada.
But beneath all these conversations, another feeling was gradually growing: anxiety.
Because more and more people were beginning to understand: the Provisional Government might not accept these developments peacefully.
And the revolution itself continued radicalizing with almost every passing month.
For now, the streets of Kyiv still preserved an atmosphere of political enthusiasm.
But increasingly, conversations also included: fear of chaos, concerns about civil war, discussion of the collapse of the front, and rumors about Bolsheviks and other radicals.
And amid all of this, Ukraine was gradually entering its own struggle over power and the future of the state.