Chapter 451: Population (Continued)
East Africa's first wave of large-scale immigration (excluding mercenaries) began in 1865. Since then, the number of immigrants has soared, and with East Africa's increasing transport capacity, the scale has grown ever larger.
In other words, the earliest immigrants have now been settled in East Africa for nine years. Given the nature of East African immigration, the population has already begun to explode.
This can be compared to the German territories, which also have a high birth rate—though East Africa's is even higher, because East Africa absorbs the cost of childbirth, something unthinkable in the German regions.
In Germany, land is owned by nobles and landlords. With the rise of capitalist agriculture, labor and land occupation are no longer the main concerns—profit is. In contrast, East African land is also privately owned, but Ernst has long focused on providing favorable conditions for East African citizens. One major incentive was encouraging childbirth—the state would bear most of the associated costs.
Naturally, citizens with no financial burden for child-rearing were eager to have as many children as possible—especially with no real concept or means of contraception.
As long as they were healthy, the birth rate wouldn't be low. Coupled with an infant mortality rate much lower than in other nations, East Africa's population multiplied rapidly.
With productivity still low, most of these costs were ultimately borne by the Black African population—currently numbering over 20 million, with more than 10 million of working age.
For now, East Africa doesn't feel much pressure, but the rate at which the Black population is being depleted is also very high. If East Africa wants to keep playing this game, these costs will eventually fall on new immigrants.
But those immigrants will also have children, and the cycle becomes vicious. Ernst has always believed in the advantage of large populations—he once remarked that a country like India is destined for greatness due to its sheer size.
Yet if East African immigrants are allowed to reproduce unchecked—if each household has only two breadwinners but needs to support ten or more dependents—even if they work themselves to the bone, it's unsustainable. And that's being conservative—seven or eight dependents per household is already common.
Apart from birthrate, immigration is also a major issue. Right now, East Africa processes about 250,000 new immigrants each month, using over 400 vessels (including leased and slave ships) to transport them.
That's over 3 million immigrants annually. By 1880, that would mean more than 10 million new immigrants.
Note: although the government no longer tracks total population, immigration numbers are still accurately recorded. Immigration is regulated separately and not affected by birth statistics.
And this is just immigration. Nowadays, it only takes a couple of weeks to sail from East Asia or Europe to East Africa, and most immigrants are fully settled within three months. Once stable, they join the baby boomers. Yes, it's becoming quite difficult to manage.
That's the ideal scenario—and right now, reality meets that ideal. The global economic crisis has created an opportunity. Even the U.S.—a purely immigrant nation—is seeing people leave for East Africa. The situation in other regions is easy to imagine.
East Africa's immigration is government-led. It has set up immigration offices across Europe, East Asia, and South America. The East African Immigration Bureau is now the world's largest, most systematic immigration agency—and the second-largest slave trader.
Currently, the bureau targets everyone except Arab and Indian males and Black Africans—to fulfill East Africa's growing demand for people.
Take Germany, for example. Southern Germany, long "bled" by East Africa, hasn't seen any obvious population drop—yet it hasn't grown either. So the impact of East African immigration on donor countries is minimal.
After the Industrial Revolution, the world population had already surged past 1.27 billion—East Africa's intake is barely a fraction of that.
Of course, East Africa's national conditions are unique, and differ significantly from American-style immigration.
In most countries, migration is spontaneous. But intercontinental migration was extremely difficult in this era.
U.S. immigrants usually had their boat tickets paid by employers, who then deducted the cost from wages—terms clearly stated in contracts. East Africa, however, offered free passage, giving it a clear advantage. Why go to America where even the boat fare is counted against you? There's no gold lying on the streets.
Second, East Africa's marketing strategy was different. Its ads emphasized real success stories—often starting with working-class people who then returned to their hometowns to recruit others. East Africa truly dared to advertise this way, while the U.S. had to rely on sensationalized newspaper stories—basically scams.
Third, East Africa welcomed more than just white immigrants. Both East Asia and Europe were tapped equally. And here, "East Asia" refers to the broader cultural-geographic region, not specific nations.
In addition to these legitimate methods, East Africa employed some underhanded ones—like publishing real reports about conditions in the U.S. through European newspapers.
Yes, America had higher growth potential, but most people were realistic—especially German farmers, who knew their limits. Compared to chasing American dreams, East Africa offered better conditions.
A particularly important element was East Africa's education system, which significantly reduced the cost of child-rearing. As the middle school system expanded, East African-born children spent ten years in school—and the schools even provided lunch.
All things considered, East Africa's total population will likely exceed 30 million by 1880. Some estimates even suggest over 40 million, though exact numbers must wait for the next census.
In an agrarian society, human fertility cannot be underestimated—and East Africa is essentially an agrarian nation with industrial features.
The restrictions on immigration are better seen as a screening process. That was East Africa's immigration policy from the start, mainly targeting drug addicts. Minor issues like malnutrition weren't disqualifying.
This time, the stricter immigration rules mainly target German immigrants from the U.S. After all, the U.S. is the cradle of liberalism, while East Africa is a monarchist state and must guard against the spread of "decadent" ideas. This concern extends to all of the Americas—none of which have monarchies—so East Africa has every reason to be cautious.
That said, East Africa's overall investment in immigration has actually increased. Female immigrants, in particular, are highly welcomed. A recent report found that women now make up nearly 47% of the East African population. Many of these women paid their way in—including Indians and Muslims (excluding Black Africans).
Overpopulation isn't unique to East Africa. In the 19th century, social norms made the buying and selling of women shockingly convenient. In most places, men inherited property and women were undervalued—treated as commodities.
And of course, the money for redeeming these women came from East African bachelors working hard to repay the costs. Early on, this was even used as a reward mechanism to encourage more immigration.
Thank you for the support, friends. If you want to read more chapters in advance, go to my Patreon.
Read 40 Chapters In Advance: patreon.com/Canserbero10