Chapter 534: A Fragile Agricultural Nation
"Starting in February this year, British and foreign vessels on the East African routes are advised to call at Natal or Maputo. The government has partnered with eleven major shipping companies to prepare for potential regional conflicts and ensure the safety of British and foreign citizens' property."
"The British Medim Construction Company plans to invest £120,000 in Maputo Port, improving services and berthing capacity for passing ships. Maputo is poised to become one of the top-tier ports in 'East Africa,' potentially surpassing Dar es Salaam and Mombasa in this region."
By late 1879, Britain's attention had shifted to Afghanistan, but it hadn't forgotten about undercutting East Africa. With no real hope of success on the military front, it sought compensation on the economic front.
There was no doubt that on the East African coastal route (excluding the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden), Dar es Salaam and Mombasa together monopolized about 70% of total trade value. The newly developing New Hamburg was also set to follow the model of an "open port," and its infrastructure was catching up to (and perhaps even surpassing) what Maputo and Natal could offer.
Britain had initially tried to rope France in, hoping to use its Madagascar colony's influence in the Mozambique Channel, but France declined. There was no direct conflict of interest between East Africa and France as long as East Africa had no designs on Madagascar, so they saw no need to intervene. Indeed, France had supported America against Britain in the past, so France refusing to assist East Africa was itself already a compromise. Still, France couldn't be too close to East Africa for one reason: East Africa was essentially German, and Germany was France's greatest foe. The East African–German relationship remained a major obstacle between East Africa and France.
Ultimately, it was all about interests. France had little to gain from East Africa, even if it acted as Britain's enforcer. All the benefits would go to Britain. It was better for France to focus on turning West Africa into its own version of "East Africa." East Africa's meteoric rise had provided France with a template for developing its West African territories.
"New Hamburg and Maputo, Natal are in direct competition," an East African official explained. "So in response to Britain's new plan, we should prioritize New Hamburg's geographic advantages, developing it into a premier port in southern Africa to undercut Maputo and Natal."
For many colonial powers, investing in their overseas territories was a burden—especially in projects like Maputo and Natal, which could operate at a loss for some time.
East Africa, on the other hand, had no such concerns with New Hamburg. In southern Africa, New Hamburg could leverage its advantages to spur East Africa's broader development: boosting migration, industry, wool manufacturing, mining, and so on.
This was East African homeland after all, bound to be fully developed someday. If there were losses at first, so be it. The long-term benefits outweighed any drawbacks.
"Though Britain claims to be developing Maputo and Natal to undermine our port economies, they obviously plan to focus on Maputo."
"Among southern African ports, Maputo has the highest potential. Both scale and natural conditions are superior to most alternatives, so that's exactly why Britain is backing it."
"There's also the fact that cooperating with Portugal lets the British share development costs. Britain is spreading itself thin from Afghanistan to other global commitments, so a joint development with Portugal is the cheapest option."
Britain's plan could indeed hamper East Africa's economy. But building a port took time, so in the near term Maputo and Natal wouldn't threaten East African ports.
Dar es Salaam and Mombasa were too well-established to be replaced easily, and New Hamburg was already well on its way. Maputo and Natal, even if upgraded, couldn't match them.
Moreover, many ships docking in East Africa weren't just passing through—they came specifically for East African goods. East Africa's territory was vast, its resource extraction costs were lower than those of the British or Portuguese, and rail infrastructure already connected inland regions with East African ports.
That was East Africa's confidence. Also, Dar es Salaam and Mombasa had a decade's head start over Maputo and Natal. Without a massive infusion of capital, there was no chance of unseating them.
Historically, Dar es Salaam and Mombasa were major African ports dating back centuries. Only Mogadishu was comparable in the western Indian Ocean, but deserts stunted its growth, so it lagged far behind.
Many veteran ships and sailors on the Indian Ocean routes were already comfortable with Dar es Salaam and Mombasa, and their rapid modernization over the past decade had only enhanced their appeal with better services, facilities, and larger cargo volumes.
"We can't let Britain and Portugal sabotage us at no cost. If they want to compete, we must respond. Up north, we have Mogadishu, Mombasa, Dar es Salaam. Down south, we have New Hamburg. In between, we can open Soko Port to foreign shipping. Now that the railway from Soko to Lake Malawi is finished, it can serve some of that function," Ernst concluded.
Dar es Salaam and Mombasa had more than ten years' experience as "open ports," providing a model for East Africa's other ports. Eventually, East Africa would open up, and designating new ports like New Hamburg and Soko was part of that process.
Take it one step at a time: East Africa would move from isolation to openness on its own terms.
Without its isolation, Britain might not have been so alarmed by East Africa. After all, both the U.S. and Germany were also protectionist—but they were too big and strong to be easily dealt with. East Africa, on the other hand, was (theoretically) still a "soft target."
But in truth, the real "soft target" was a country like Brazil—opening its markets too early and becoming a playground for foreign powers, thereby risking takeover by foreign capital.
Under East Africa's protective policies, it could proceed with infrastructure projects and other initiatives undisturbed. Yes, that would make competing internationally more difficult once open, but at least it wouldn't collapse. And survival meant a chance to become a global power.
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